US-Israel......The Changing Relationship

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اقتطعت جزءً من مقالة للمحلل جورج فريدمان مؤسس ورئيس موقع ستراتفور - جلوبال إنتيليجنس

يصف هذا الجزء من المقال العلاقة المستجدة بين اسرائيل وأمريكا بالزواج الممل الذي يبدي حميمية تغطي ضياع عنفوان الشباب، فلم يعد لإسرائيل القدرة على الحسم العسكري -وقد كانت ترتكز على الدعم الأمريكي السياسي والعسكري-ولم يعد لدى أمريكا إهتماماً بالشرق الأوسط ولن تتورط في أي حرب لا يكون لها دفاع استراتيجي مباشر عنها بعد أزمتها الاقتصادية المتفاقمة والتي تسبب بها التدخلات العسكرية المباشرة خاصة بالعراق، فانكفأ الزوجان إلى دواخلهما.

فايز انعيم

By George Friedman
Founder and Chairman of STRATFOR

There has therefore been a very real if somewhat subtle shift in the U.S.-Israeli relationship. Israel has lost the ability, if it ever had it, to shape the behavior of countries on its frontier. Egypt and Syria will do what they will do. At the same time, the United States has lost the inclination to intervene militarily in the broader regional conflict and has limited political tools. Countries like Saudi Arabia, which might be inclined to align with U.S. strategy, find themselves in a position of creating their own strategy and assuming the risks.

For the United States, there are now more important issues than the Middle East, such as the domestic economy. The United States is looking inward both because it has to and because it has not done well in trying to shape the Islamic world. From the Israeli point of view, for the moment, its national security is not at risk, and its ability to control its security environment is limited, while its ability to shape American responses in the region has deteriorated due to the shifting American focus. It will continue to get aid that it no longer needs and will continue to have military relations with the United States, particularly in developing military technology. But for reasons having little to do with Israel, Washington's attention is not focused on the region or at least not as obsessively as it had been since 2001.

Therefore Israel has turned inward by default. Frightened by events on its border, it realizes that it has little control there and lacks clarity on what it wants. In the broader region, Israel's ability to rely on American control has declined. Like Israel, the United States has realized the limits and costs of such a strategy, and Israel will not talk the United States out of it, as the case of Iran shows. In addition, there is no immediate threat to Israel that it must respond to. It is, by default, in a position of watching and waiting without being clear as to what it wants to see. Therefore it should be no surprise that Israel, like the United States, is focused on domestic affairs.

It also puts Israel in a reactive position. The question of the Palestinians is always there. Israel's policy, like most of its strategic policy, is to watch and wait. It has no inclination to find a political solution because it cannot predict what the consequences of either a solution or an attempt to find one would be. Its policy is to cede the initiative to the Palestinians. Last month, there was speculation that increased demonstrations in the West Bank could spark a third intifada. There was not one. There might be another surge of rockets from Gaza, or there might not be. That is a decision that Hamas will make.

Israel has turned politically inward because its strategic environment has become not so much threatening as beyond its control. Enemies cannot overwhelm it, nor can it control what its enemies and potential enemies might do. Israel has lost the initiative and, more important, it now knows it has lost the initiative. It has looked to the United States to take the initiative, but on a much broader scale Washington faces the same reality as Israel with less at stake and therefore less urgency. Certainly, the Israelis would like to see the United States take more aggressive stands and more risks, but they fully understand that the price and dangers of aggressive stands in the region have grown out of control.

Therefore it is interesting to wonder what Obama and Netanyahu will discuss. Surely Iran will come up and Obama will say there is no present danger and no need to take risks. Netanyahu will try to find some way to convince him that the United States should undertake the burden at a time suitable to Israel. The United States will decline the invitation.

This is not a strain in the U.S.-Israeli relationship in the sense of anger and resentment, although those exist on both sides. Rather it is like a marriage that continues out of habit but whose foundation has withered. The foundation was the Israeli ability to control events in its region and the guarantee that where the Israelis fail, U.S. interests dictate that Washington will take action. Neither one has the ability, the appetite or the political basis to maintain that relationship on those terms. Obama has economics to worry about. Netanyahu has the conscription of the ultra-Orthodox on his mind. National security remains an issue for both, but their ability to manage it has declined dramatically.

In private I expect a sullen courtesy and in public an enthusiastic friendship, much as an old, bored married couple, not near a divorce, but far from where they were when they were young. Neither party is what it once was; each suspects that it is the other's fault. In the end, each has its own fate, linked by history to each other but no longer united.

 

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التعليقات

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ولهذا بادر نتنياهو الى الاعلان فور تشكيل حكومته الجديدة عن قبوله حل الدولتين
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ما يهمني هو إدراكنا أن الغرب في تراجع حقيقي وهي فرصة حقيقية لعودة حقوقنا. إدراكنا أن مسار إيران وسوريا وحزب الله مسار صحيح وقناعاتهم بالنصر قناعة صحيحة وليس وهماً كما يتوهم معظم الناس.
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عمل نتنياهو تعبير عن مأزق فقط وليس قناعة وهو يعتمد على الغفلة التي تعيشها حكوماتنا وشعوبنا.
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الشعوب فى حالة يرثى لها .. الحكام الزبالة مدوخين الناس فى كل بلد ..
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يجب أن يرتقي الشعب إلى حماية نفسه من سذاجة تصديق وعود الهواء وذلك بتطوير القدرة على قراءات استراتيجية تستطلع السيناروهات.
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